Open Letter to Wives and Families of American Prisoners of War in Southeast Asia.

ALTHOUGH I have corresponded with many of you individually, I would like, during this Christmas season, to address this letter openly to each and all of you-to all the wives and families of our men held prisoner and missing in Southeast Asia--and also to the many others who care so intensely about them. I know that nothing I say could truly comfort you, and I only wish my words could bring back your loved one at once. However, I would like to tell you about our efforts to solve this problem, what we have achieved so far, and what we plan to do.

The basic obstacle, of course, is the barbaric, inhuman attitude of Hanoi in violation of the Geneva Convention and all standards of human decency. In the face of this, during the past two years there has been a wide range of efforts on behalf of our men lost in Indo-China. Early in 1969 I directed that there be an intensive review of the prisoner of war problem. I decided that it was time to take new measures, that the enemy's cruel and manifestly illegal policy toward our men should be exposed fully to public attention in this country and around the world.

One of the subjects we have emphasized continually, at the Paris Talks and elsewhere, has been to gain mail privileges for our men. This effort has produced only limited success. As you know, by the start of 1969 families had received less than 600 letters from only 100 men held in North Vietnam during the entire period of the war. As of today, 335 families have received over 3,000 letters, and we are confident there will be more. Although these letters are short, obviously written under scrutiny and censorship, they are welcomed. And from these letters, over 30 previously listed as Missing in Action have been reclassified as prisoners of war. There has, however, been only one letter ever from a prisoner held in South Vietnam and none from our men in Laos.

We have also consistently demanded that Hanoi should permit our men to receive packages from their families on a regular basis. This has also brought about some improvement although the situation remains unacceptable. Prior to January 1970, Hanoi leaders had allowed our men to receive packages only three times. In January 1970, Hanoi made it known that it would allow our men in North Vietnam to receive a package every other month. They added that an extra large package--11 pounds--would be permitted at Christmas.

These limited gains are of course not enough. They do not extend to our men lost in South Vietnam or in Laos. Even for those lost in North Vietnam there is no certainty that all letters and packages reached them. And Hanoi has cruelly played on the hopes and suffering of innocent people.

In recent weeks, the Hanoi authorities have released lists said to identify the American prisoners they hold. These lists duplicated others we already have. As you know, the military services have information identifying others as having been captured in North Vietnam. These lists also tell us nothing about our men lost in South Vietnam or elsewhere in Indo-China. We will, of course, continue to hold the Communist authorities fully accountable for all the Americans they hold and for the fullest possible accounting of the dead and the missing.

Of even greater concern is the treatment of our prisoners and their early release. To know that our men are well treated, we have proposed repeatedly that there should be impartial inspection of the other side's prisoner camps just as there is for the prisoner of war camps in the Republic of Vietnam. We have frequently reiterated our concern about this in Paris. At my specific direction, Ambassador Bruce renewed our proposal for impartial inspection in the Paris meeting on December 3. Despite world-wide support for our position on this question, the Communist authorities again cruelly rejected this proposal, although impartial inspection of prisoner of war camps is among the most elementary requirements of the Geneva Convention.

As part of our wide-ranging diplomatic effort, I sent Frank Borman to twelve nations this past summer to enlist support for our cause. Wherever he went, Colonel Borman found sympathy and understanding, and renewed offers of assistance. This did not surprise me, for in my own meetings with foreign leaders I have found sympathy for our concern and support for our efforts. These main public efforts are but a small part of our continued diplomatic campaign. Our Ambassadors throughout the world have used our diplomatic resources fully to help convince the other side to treat our men humanely and to release them soon.

In these efforts we have welcomed the support of private organizations, the Red Cross and, above all, the families of our prisoners and missing personnel who by their conduct have personally testified to the depth of feeling on this subject. Many have travelled to far places to appeal directly to leaders of the other side. The news media throughout the world have helped make sure that our prisoners are not forgotten men.

Our Government and the families of our men are not alone in their efforts to improve the lot of our prisoners of war in Indo-China. The United States Congress, as you know, has been united in expressing its opinion on this subject. The United Nations on December 9 passed a strongly worded resolution calling for compliance with the Geneva Convention. The International Conference of the Red Cross has also registered its deep concern about any failure to comply with Geneva Convention requirements. Hanoi has adamantly refused to budge from its position of holding our men as hostages, denying us even elementary information.

As we approach 1971 we face above all the question of the release of our men. On October 7, in my Indo-China peace initiative, I proposed the immediate release of all POWs on both sides. On December x o we proposed, as a first step, the release of all North Vietnam prisoners of war held in South Vietnam in return for the release of all American and free world prisoners in Indo-China and any South Vietnamese prisoners held outside South Vietnam. This is as generous a prisoner-release proposal as history has known. We have, in effect, offered to exchange 8,000 North Vietnamese prisoners for 800 free world prisoners. I have sought to approach this subject on a humane basis and to keep it separate from the political and military issues of the war. Despite the other side's abrupt rejection of our proposals they remain in effect. You have my assurance that we are ready instantly to proceed toward arrangements for the release of all prisoners of war on both sides.

In the meantime, to demonstrate our readiness to comply with the appropriate international standards, the South Vietnamese Government each year has released groups of sick and wounded North Vietnamese prisoners. Another such release will take place shortly.

Hanoi, however, has so far rebuffed every effort to obtain release of our men or to verify the conditions of their treatment. This attitude violates not only the Geneva Convention, which Hanoi had pledged to observe, but all common standards of human decency. It is barbaric. It has been universally and justifiably condemned.

In closing, may I say how deeply I feel the sorrow you have known from this conflict. Along with the others in the Government closest to this problem, I will not forget the strength, the loyalty and the dignity with which you have borne your burden. I can do no less than pledge to you that we will not rest until every prisoner has returned to his family and the missing have been accounted for.

With every good wish,

Sincerely,

RICHARD NIXON