Special Message to the Congress Upon Its Reconvening

To the Congress of the United States:

I welcome the return of the Congress. There is much important legislative work still pending that cannot await the selection and assembly of a new Congress and a new Administration. The Executive and Legislative branches must act together on these pressing needs these next few weeks. I shall do my part. I am sure that the Congress will be similarly disposed.

First, the world situation, with its great significance to us.

Fundamentally, it is as it was. The free world still faces a Communist imperialism fixed upon conquest of all the world.

Vigilance, therefore, must still be our watchword. Continuing strength, military, economic, spiritual, must remain our reliance. Our basic objective--to secure a permanent peace--is yet to be won. Our programs have long been keyed to this situation. They must continue.

During the Congressional recess events have dramatized tensions that still plague the world.

We have seen an intensification of Communist truculence.

Indeed, the Soviet dictator has talked loosely and irresponsibly about a possible missile attack on the United States.

An American aircraft has been attacked over international waters. Our resolution requesting an investigation of this matter has been vetoed by the Soviets in the United Nations Security Council. Surviving crew members are still being held prisoner.

The Soviet Delegation has walked out of the Geneva disarmament negotiations.

The Communists continue to exploit situations of unrest, flagrantly striving to turn to their ends the struggles and hopes of peoples for a better world. These Communist efforts have recently reached new extremes in Central Africa.

All of us know about Cuba.

As a result of continuous appraisal of changing Communist tactics and attitudes, I have ordered the military services to take certain practical measures affecting the readiness and posture of our military commands. These include the deployment of additional aircraft carriers to the Sixth and Seventh fleets. A number of B-47 medium bombers and their accompanying tankers, which had been scheduled to be phased out of our forces, will be retained in service for the time being; and the tempo of operation of the Strategic Air Command will be increased and its deployment further dispersed. The readiness of our ground forces will be further improved by expanding the number and scope of strategic field and airborne exercises.

I have also directed expansion of certain long-range programs. The Strategic Air Command capability to conduct a continuous airborne alert will be further strengthened. More funds will be applied to the modernization of the Army combat equipment and to military airlift. Additional effort will be devoted to the development of the B-70 and the reconnaissance satellite SAMOS.

During the Congressional recess we have made extraordinary progress in testing one of America's most important weapons systems--the Polaris Ballistic Missile Submarine. It is with great satisfaction that I report to the Congress that the first test firings of the Polaris missile from the submerged nuclear submarine GEORGE WASHINGTON had rifle shot accuracy at great ranges. Never in my long military career has a weapon system of such complexity been brought from its original conception to the operational stage with such sureness and speed--an achievement that in its entirety has taken less than five years. The time is now right to increase the scope of the Polaris program and five instead of three more submarines have been started this fiscal year. furthermore, I have directed the development of a much longer range version of the Polaris missile, which will give America a weapon of even greater versatility, power and invulnerability.

The Defense Department will carry out these defense measures with its available resources insofar as possible. Measures pertaining to weapons systems programs will be carried out by utilizing appropriations already made in this session. Total resources are adequate, although a modest increase in military personnel and in operation and maintenance funds may prove to be necessary to carry out the readiness measures. If such an increase should be required, I shall promptly request the necessary funds.

Incidentally, provision will have to be made after the first of the year to fund the civilian pay increases imposed by Congress a few weeks ago. These will add permanently to our defense costs some $200 million a year.

Once again I assure the Congress that this Nation's military power is second to none and will be kept that way. Our long range strategic bombers and air to ground missiles, our intermediate and long range ballistic missiles, our Polaris submarines, our attack carriers, the tactical air units overseas, the air defense forces, and the atomic and conventional firepower of our ground forces world-wide are indeed a retaliatory and defensive force unmatched anywhere.

So much for administrative actions which I have recently taken. Congressional actions, too, are required.

Our national security needs encompass more than excellence and strength in our own military establishment. They include measures to build free world strength everywhere. These require, and I therefore request, appropriations of the full amount authorized by the Congress for the Mutual Security Program. At this point in the legislative process, these appropriations have been cut by well over a half billion dollars. The Nation's security and our inescapable interest in a stable world require that these amounts be restored.

In addition, I request a $ 100 million increase in the authorization and appropriation for the Mutual Security Contingency fund. This increase is needed to keep America poised for sudden developments such as those in the Congo where a United States airlift and other efforts were needed suddenly and critically. Happily, in this instance, we were able to respond in a matter of hours. We must maintain ourselves in a position to give rapid backing to the efforts of the United Nations in this troubled region.

At my direction, two other matters will be presented to Congress, their purpose being to promote free world stability by stimulating the hopes, morale and efforts of our friends everywhere. These programs are:

First, an authorization in the magnitude of $600 million to help our Latin American neighbors accelerate their efforts to strengthen the social and economic structure of their nations and improve the status of their individual citizens. This program, which should include further assistance for the rehabilitation of devastated Chile, will promote the dynamism and effectiveness of all our efforts in this Hemisphere. I urgently request enactment of this authorization prior to the Economic Conference of the American Republics, which convenes at Bogota on September 5, so that discussions leading to the development of detailed plans may be initiated there.

Second, a proposal to be presented in September before the General Assembly of the United Nations, whereby we and other fortunate nations can, together, make greater use of our combined agricultural abundance to help feed the hungry of the world. The United Nations provides a multilateral forum admirably suited to initiate consideration of this effort.

I consider it important that Congress approve a Resolution endorsing such a program before the United Nations Assembly convenes.

Turning to domestic problems, clearly we face a legislative log jam, the possibility of which I suggested, by special message, on the third of May.

Only one major measure--civil rights--had then been passed, and this had two major deletions which I hope will now be restored in keeping with the bipartisan support evidenced for these items last month.

Legislating time is now short, and so far in this session only six of the twenty-seven measures I cited last May as required by the Nation's interests have been enacted into law. Because those that fail of enactment before adjournment will go begging for months to come, I urge the Congress to attend to them now. In addition to those already mentioned, I cite these:

--Federal assistance in the construction of facilities for colleges, universities and elementary and secondary schools;

--assistance to older people to meet serious illnesses;

--expansion of coverage of the fair Labor Standards Act;

--a moderate upward adjustment of the minimum wage;

--constructive measures to meet existing farm problems;

--a sound area assistance program directed specifically to the areas in need;

--the authorizing of 40 new judgeships to expedite the rendering of justice;

--proper financing to avoid delays in our Interstate Highway Program;

--an increase in the aviation fuel tax to facilitate proper financing of our Airways Modernization Program;

--removal of the interest rate limitation on long-term Treasury bonds;

--a postal rate increase to avoid saddling the next administration and taxpayers generally, wholly unjustifiably, with a postal deficit nearing a billion dollars a year;

--liberalization of our immigration laws;

--continuation of the long-established authority for the President to reorganize the Executive branch;

--and a grouping of measures generally in the conservation field.

Also still needed and long ago recommended are Senate ratification of the important Antarctica Treaty, amendments to speed our space exploration efforts, and a restoration of the traditional relationship between the active duty and the retired pay of our military personnel.

All of these items are at least as urgently needed for America as when first recommended. So I urge that we stay on the job until it is done.

Certainly we cannot adjourn the public interest.

I have a special comment on two of these matters.

First, agriculture. I reiterate the theme of my February ninth and May third messages on this subject. The well-being of our farm people still demands that we act with good sense on their pressing problems, notably wheat. The public will have every right to register its serious protest should the Congress adjourn without responsible action in this

area.

The recent history of this problem has been deadlock. The Congress has refused to accept my recommendations and insisted upon unrealistic programs which, of course, I have rejected.

Last January I made one further attempt to resolve this issue. I urged Congress simply to work its will, provided only that the end result fitted within broad guidelines assuring a truly beneficial result for the farmer and the Nation. My own preferred program, leading to greater freedom for the farmer, is widely known. I repeat, however, what I have said many times--if a different approach is desired, and kept within the guidelines, I will unhesitatingly approve it.

Our farmers need constructive action and for years have been entitled to it. They know, as does all America, that this Administration has been unable substantially to alter the existing type of wheat program because of lack of Congressional cooperation. It has been a program attuned to calamity--war, depression or drought--but which in these years of peace and great productivity has resulted in staggering surpluses which overhang the market, depress prices, and threaten the farmer's future.

The Congress should promptly provide the constructive remedies for agriculture so long and so urgently needed.

For five years in a row I have recommended area assistance legislation. Regrettably I had no choice but to veto the legislation the Congress did pass this session. It would have frittered the taxpayers' money away in areas where it was not needed and on programs that would not have benefited those truly in need of help.

A new area assistance bill, with Administration backing, was introduced immediately after my veto. It would channel more help directly into stricken areas than any previous measure proposed. failure to act will deny this help for months to come. Human distress demands action now. If later we find there should be changes either in the dollar amounts or the methods used, experience will dictate the kind of adjustments to be made.

Last January I estimated that, if the Congress would adhere to my appropriation and revenue recommendations, we could look forward to a budgetary surplus of $4 billion. Since then, however, the spending programs enacted and pending--coupled with the failure of Congress to enact proposed new revenue measures--threaten to consume the entire expected surplus.

This situation relates very importantly to your forthcoming deliberations because of the need of avoiding further deficit spending and of making, in years of prosperity, savings to be applied either to debt reduction or to tax reform.

In meeting this need I shall not abdicate my responsibility to use the Executive power to help keep the Nation's economy strong and sound while we carry forward our urgent work at home and in the world.

This means that I shall not be a party to reckless spending schemes which would increase the burden of debt of our grandchildren, by resuming, in prosperous times, the practice of deficit financing. I shah not fail to resist inflationary pressures by whatever means are available to me.

This truth we must take to heart: in good times, we must at the very least pay our way. This is the fundamental condition for a dependable future for our working men and women, for management, for consumers, and for the Government. If we will but handle responsibly the taxpayers' money, as I am firmly determined that we shall, private and public action can continue to move confidently ahead.

This simply means that we must adhere to necessary programs and sensible priorities. I have herein suggested those in which I believe.

If the Congress prefers other priorities at greater national cost, responsibility dictates that it accompany them with the additional taxes to pay the bill.

I recognize the magnitude of the task still before the Congress, and, of course, I am not unaware of the other matters attracting public attention in this year 1960.

But I repeat--if during the critical months ahead we hold to the standard of national interest, the future will be bright for America--indeed, for all the free world.

DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER