Special Message to the Congress Transmitting Soviet Reply to the Resolution of Friendship Adopted by the U.S. Congress.

To the Congress of the United States:

On June 26, 1951, the Congress passed Senate Concurrent Resolution 11, reaffirming the friendship of the American people for all other peoples, including the peoples of the Soviet Union. On July 7, in accordance with the request of the Congress, I transmitted the resolution to His Excellency Nikolai Mikhailovitch Shvernik, President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, together with a request that the Soviet Government make the contents of this resolution known to the Soviet peoples.

For a month there was no reply to my letter, nor was the resolution made public in the Soviet Union. Then on August 6, I received a letter from President Shvernik, responding to mine and transmitting a resolution adopted by the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet in the nature of a reply to the concurrent resolution of the Congress. Both communications, of course, were immediately made public in the United States and were widely publicized by newspapers, magazines, and radio not only in this country but throughout the free world. On August 7, the congressional resolution, together with my letter of transmittal, the reply from Mr. Shvernik, and the resolution of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet were all printed in the Soviet Government's newspapers and read over the Soviet Government's radio. This belated publication, by the Soviet Government, of the congressional resolution and my letter of transmittal was undoubtedly influenced by the fact that the Voice of America was continuously broadcasting the text of these documents, and their existence could no longer be concealed from the peoples of the Soviet Union.

I am transmitting to the Congress herewith the resolution of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, together with the accompanying letter from Mr. Shvernik.

The publication of Senate Concurrent Resolution 11 in the Soviet Union, even though it was accompanied by the simultaneous publication of the official Soviet reply, marks a significant step forward in the struggle to penetrate the iron curtain with words of truth. Ordinarily, it is the policy of the Soviet Government not to permit its citizens to read anything that is contrary to the official propaganda line. In this case, the adoption of a resolution of friendship by the Congress of the United States, and the efforts of the Voice of America, compelled the Soviet Government to modify its customary practices. Although the resolution adopted by the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet was obviously intended to offset and counteract the effect of the congressional resolution, it is probable that the publication of the actual text of the latter had real effect on the minds of the Russian people.

It is clear, however, that the Soviet Government has not altered the character of its own propaganda and public statements concerning the United States. In the recent youth meeting in East Berlin, we have seen a new intensification of the theme of hate for the United States and other members of the United Nations.

The arguments being made by the Soviet Government to justify its present policies are set forth in the text of the resolution of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet and in Mr. Shvernik's letter to me. The Congress can readily recognize the errors and misrepresentations in these two documents.

I wish that I could report that these documents give substantial evidence that the Soviet Union is prepared to modify its present policies and to take steps which will relieve present world tensions. Unfortunately, this is not the case. These documents give no assurance that there will be any changes in the hostile and expansionist policies of the Soviet Union, which now threaten world peace.

If the Government of the Soviet Union wants to make progress toward peace, it can stop flouting the authority of the United Nations; it can cease supporting armed aggression in defiance of the verdict of the United Nations; it can make constructive contributions toward establishing conditions of peace with Germany, Austria, and Japan; it can refrain from employing force to maintain in other countries regimes which do not command the support of their people; it can cease supporting subversive movements in other countries; it can cease its distortion of the motives and actions of other peoples and governments; it can stop violating fundamental human rights and liberties; and it can join in good faith in the earnest effort to find means for reducing armaments and controlling atomic energy in the interests of peace.

Such acts would do far more than any words to show that the Soviet Union really wants peace.

Until we have concrete evidence that the Soviet Union has in fact changed its policies, I cannot advise the Congress to change the policies of the United States. I believe that the policies on which we are now embarked-to give every support to the constructive actions of the United Nations for peace, in Korea and elsewhere, to build our defenses and to join in building the defenses of the free world, and to contribute in every way we can to the growth and strengthening of free institutions around the world--I believe these are the policies most likely to bring about a change in the aggressive policies of the Soviet Government. Consequently, I urge that the Congress move ahead with the great program for national security and world peace that is now before it.

In particular, I urge the Congress to take all possible steps to open up channels of communications between this country and the peoples of the Soviet Union, and other peoples behind the iron curtain.

Senate Concurrent Resolution 11 has opened at least a crack in the iron curtain and the Congress deserves the thanks of free people everywhere for this action. We should now make every possible constructive use of this small opening in the barrier which the Soviet Government has raised up against all free communication between its peoples and the outside world. If we do so, we may be able to show the Soviet peoples our real desire for peace and our genuine efforts in that direction. We may be able to dispel, at least in part, the distorted image of ourselves which is conveyed to them by Soviet propaganda.

For my part, I shall answer President Shvernik's letter in the near future. I shall ask that my reply, like the congressional resolution, be made public in the Soviet Union.

It is of immense importance to communicate the truth about the purposes and intentions of the United States to the peoples of the Soviet Union, as well as to all other peoples under the domination or the threat of domination of Soviet imperialism. Therefore, in addition to my letter I intend to explore all other means that will help to make such communication possible.

I urge the Congress to do all it can to contribute to this vital endeavor. Adequate appropriations for the Campaign of Truth, including the Voice of America, are essential. I have requested an appropriation of $115,000,000 for this purpose in this fiscal year. The House of Representatives has reduced this to $85,000,000. Such action as this is obviously inconsistent with the purposes of Senate Concurrent Resolution 11. If the Congress expects to be successful in the battle for men's minds, it must support a sustained and consistent campaign for that purpose.

A slash in funds for the Voice of America, coming at this time, would have the effect of severely damaging our efforts to reach the hearts and minds of other peoples. It would mean retreat in the face of the mounting world-wide pressures of Communist propaganda. In the light of our present situation, I hope the Congress will restore the full amount needed for our Campaign of Truth.

I trust the Congress will also consider in what other ways it can assist in correcting Soviet distortions of the facts and in furthering our campaign to reach other peoples with true and accurate information.

HARRY S. TRUMAN