Remarks to the Committee for a National Trade Policy.

Mr. Coleman, My Friends:

First, I should say that I agree with every word you have to say about OTC. It seems to me to be almost ridiculous that we do not promptly join this organization in order that there may be an administrative group to make certain of the protection of our own rights as we try to advance the whole theory of better world trade all around the globe.

I am constantly impressed, as we deal with this difficult subject of foreign relations, how often the subject of trade does intrude itself in a very definite, a very important way, and must be considered in the political relationships that can be established with our friends, and must be maintained.

I mean it in this way: a country is having a hard time making a living, countries that are small and industrial in character-Japan, Britain--I mean small in area--both of them would be examples. They have to perform services for somebody else, which means that their entire living, really, comes out of exports. They can export only if there is a readiness of others to buy.

Now, another way they could live, of course, if richer countries are making a lot of money, would be just to keep up mutual aid and grant programs. We don't want to do that. It's a poor way to do it. They don't want to do it.

So there must be freer trade if they are to make a living. There are other inhibitions. We don't want the communists to get a lot of strategic goods in the world. So these nations have, certainly so far, been observing very great restrictions in the amount of their goods that they can manufacture to sell to the part of the world that is behind the iron curtain.

So, where and how are they going to make a living? Yet if they don't make a living, the consequences upon us are not merely commercial, not merely what progress we make in the way of prosperity. It is in the political relationships we will be able to retain with these countries, whether they will believe fervently in the processes of free government, in free associations among friendly nations, or whether they will be forced to deal with others in a way that we should never accept if we can possibly help it.

In other words, we would be put in an awful fix, because in this great struggle that is being carried on between two forms of government in the world, we need these people on our side and we are struggling always for more.

So this whole question of foreign trade affects us, as I see it, in two ways: our economy, our future, and the prosperity we ourselves are going to enjoy, but in our political relationships it is, to my mind, even more important. Because, finally, those political relationships--if they weren't healthy--could destroy anything else we might set up.

Consequently, I mention these things just briefly, but very sincerely, in order that you can see how really deeply I feel obligated to you people for the work you do, to carry an enlightened view of world trade to our people so they can see that we are not talking about trying to put American people out of work or undersell an American manufacturer and drive him to the wall, or anything else. We are striving to make a better world for ourselves and for our children--the only kind of a world in which free men can live--and I think it is just that simple and just that important, and as long as we approach it in that way, I think we shall never give up. On the contrary, I think we shall win.

Again I say, thank you very much--you, and Mr. Coleman and Mr. Randall--all of you working on this thing. God bless you. I hope you have even more success everywhere--in Congress-and abroad through the land--than you yourselves anticipate.

Thank you very much.