Remarks to the American Federation of Labor Convention, Los Angeles, California

President Meany, and my fellow Americans:

I hope you will allow me to say, first, that when I hear any meeting or convention open with a bit of an invocation and such a rendering of The Star Spangled Banner, you do something to the emotions of an old soldier's heart that leaves me a little bit speechless.

Now there are a number of reasons why I am delighted to be with you. The first is this: I would like to ask you a great favor--that as the elected representatives of the tremendous body of organized labor in this country, each of you will convey to those groups that you represent my very best wishes, my warm greeting as great Americans.

Now I recognize, as well as does anybody else, that it is those people whose heads and hearts and hands have created so. much of the wealth of this country, who have done so much to give us the country, with its great resources, that all of us enjoy. So that I, an individual dedicated to the welfare of 160 million people, certainly include all of that great group, exactly as I include every other group in my contemplations, in my studies and the plans that I try to make for this country.

Now I can read, and I do read in the papers, that there are certain things that I do of which this group as a body does not approve--that it does not approve of some of the things, apparently, that I believe in. I think that does not affect at all our personal friendships and respect. In this room there are a number of people who have been in my office, and we have had very cordial relationships, in spite of any differences of conviction and opinion. So of course I know that you respect my attitude, my right to think that possibly you are a bit wrong occasionally, just as you think I am wrong. And that hasn't anything to do with what we may say to each other.

I have another reason for being pleased to be here. I understand that by tradition, by history, you are completely and absolutely nonpolitical. I can't tell you what a relief it is to me to address an audience where there is nothing political expected of me one way or another.

There is one place where I know we agree in one specific, concrete objective or purpose, and one where I think it is not out of place for me, in my present office, even, to say that I should like to commend the American Federation of Labor. Your history of absolute opposition to communism in all its forms, in whatever way it may pose a threat, is to me a heartening thing. And at least, in that, we are one--and I am certain there is no difference possible between us.

I think most of you know of the efforts we have made, through new legislation, through enforcing of old legislation, and strengthening of support for the FBI and for the Department of Justice, whereby we are doing our part daily, hourly, in uprooting any possible trace of this terrible conspiracy that we can find in our country.

And I assure you that to this body I look, always, in that respect, for support in doing that, at the same time that we protect absolutely, with all our might, every constitutional right of every individual that lives in this country.

I think there are a couple of other things on which we agree. I don't believe that you would want me to do anything to start up, again, the war in Korea, and start the casualty lists.

I don't believe you want me to oppose the social security expansion and extension of benefits we have tried to put over.

I am certain you would not want me to raise taxes again, and I am certain you wouldn't want me to increase governmental costs.

Now, I just want to point out, as we go along, that it isn't everything that we are differing about. There are a few things, I think, that as Americans we can all get behind. There I have no objection whatsoever, of course, to listening carefully. And I have listened carefully--I think there are a number of people here that will testify to that effect--I have listened carefully to the measures that some of you people, either individually or as an organization, believe should be done about meeting obvious soft spots in our economy. And there are such--and anyone would be idiotic to deny it.

But the only thing I can say is that with the complexities of government, at home and abroad, we are trying to meet all of these situations, as Abraham Lincoln said it: "As God gave us the wisdom to see the fight."

Now there is nothing sacrosanct about any views that I hold, and I have never so stated. So I just want to say this: that the views of this convention will be studied, and thoroughly and sympathetically considered, just as will the views of every other great group of Americans that compares to it.

I know that at times we seem to like issues more than reforms and advancement. I saw that I was challenged, in one paper, as to what I was going to say to this Convention about my failure to redeem my pledge to get away from the union-busting provisions in the Taft-Hartley Act.

Well, I can say only this: I regret that failure, and if this were not a completely nonpolitical meeting, I would point out that a solid Democratic vote in the Senate of the United States defeated me.

But that is political, and you shouldn't state it, I believe.

I am going to recommend again to get rid of that provision. I also recommended--and stated that I would recommend--measures for making certain that people in organized labor were not compelled to take an oath they were anti-communistic, when no one else had to. I think it is completely un-American. I will do my best to get rid of it.

I will resort to every effort in order to redeem my promises--and certainly I hope that there is no one that can say I have not made every effort that I know how to make, in order to redeem any pledges I have ever made to any individual in the world, as groups or individuals. If necessary I will take those two and put them in one special package by themselves, in order that I can say to you: I kept that promise.

Now you people, I know, are against vested interests--and so am I. I want to say this one thing: one of my special jobs is to see that the Federal Government does not establish such monopolies over our lives, such directive power in our communities and in our States, that it becomes the greatest vested interest of all and, finally, is an instrument for attacking the individual liberties of each one of us.

One of my tasks is to do just that. I have tried to find a short way of stating the policy of an administration which has to deal with the most complex, the most worldwide problems that it is possible to conceive of in this day and time; just the welfare--the local welfare of 160 million people is certainly enough to tax the ingenuity of the greatest administration that could be put together. And while you are trying to do that, you study all of the interplay of trade and old prejudices and hatreds, and every kind of antagonism between the nations of the world, many of which we must stay close to if we are to continue as a prosperous, great Nation. Then it becomes extremely complex.

So it is not a simple thing to state the policy of the administration. But I do believe this--while an aphorism, a generality which does express our hope is: in everything where the Government deals with the individual human, be he great or be he small, or be he black or white, or whatever his race or religion, to be humane, to be sympathetic, to be understanding, and do your best to be helpful.

And when the Government deals with the economy of all the people-and that means his pocketbook and his money and his taxes--then by all means to be conservative.

I have searched for ways in which I could state this policy briefly, and I think if you will take that and cut it to pieces and criticize it and put it back together again I do believe it represents what is in the hearts of the administration you now have in Washington.

Now there is one other thing--I am sure there is no way of my proving it, and therefore my statement must either be rejected or accepted on faith: I promised in 1952, earnestly, consistently, and persistently, to try to be a friend of every man who works with his hands.

I need not remind you--I think most of you know: I was a very hard worker. Maybe I told you--my last year before I went to West Point was 52 weeks, with each week 84 hours, and not one hour off. So I have very great comprehension of what organized labor has done to this country. I respect this. I admire them for it.

And in spite of these differences to which I refer, I am not only friendly to that group, to my mind they are part, a great part, of the United States of America. And anything that is United States of America engages my attention and my heart--every single second of my life.