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Lyndon B. Johnson: Remarks at the Civic Center Arena in Pittsburgh.
Lyndon
Lyndon B. Johnson
728 - Remarks at the Civic Center Arena in Pittsburgh.
October 27, 1964
Public Papers of the Presidents
Lyndon B. Johnson<br>1963-64: Book II
Lyndon B. Johnson
1963-64: Book II
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Ladies and gentlemen, boys and girls:

This is a great Democratic Tuesday in Pittsburgh, and a week from tonight it is going to be a great Democratic Tuesday.

When I was a little boy, living in a small house, in a small town, in the backwoods of my State, I remember hearing a political leader say at the Fourth of July picnic that he loved freedom so much that he just wished all the people had a little bit of it. And as I came into this magnificent building tonight, and I saw the new Pittsburgh, and I saw all of these happy, smiling faces, I just wished that everybody in our country could be here, because I think it would be contagious.

What a wonderful land it would be if all of our people were as happy tonight as you are. I even wish that some members--some temporary members--of another party could be here tonight so a little bit of this happiness would rub off on them.

It would be such a nice thing if these prophets of doom and gloom, and these apostles of fear and doubt, and these voices of smear and hate, and these suspicious persons who deal in petty things could just come here and see the heart of America, see them with faith and with hope, and with vision and with happiness, and with belief in the future of our land.

You people of Pittsburgh have a "can do" mayor, a man who looks ahead, who doesn't spend his time talking about the past, who has kept this city growing, who has kept it prospering. He is a great mayor and he is my friend and your friend--Joe Barr.

Before I get into my main speech, and it is not going to take over an hour or so, I want to ask you to do a few things for me if you can and if you can find the time, and I will get along with them just as soon as I can, because I have to meet Lady Bird in Evansville, Ind., for another speech. And then she and I are going to have a little anniversary, kind of a little 30-year honeymoon over in Albuquerque tonight.

You know, that poor girl has been traveling since daylight this morning and she has been through Texas, Arkansas, Oklahoma, and she is winding up in Evansville tonight, and I'll bet I have seen more people in this hall than she has seen all day. But I wouldn't be a bit surprised that she convinced a lot more of them than I have.

Here is what I want you to do for me. Here in the 14th Congressional District, you will be sending back to Congress to help me and to help the Nation, and to help Pennsylvania, a straight-thinking, a straight-talking friend of yours and of mine for many years. I want you to get out there tomorrow and start to work for him. Be sure that you give him a majority that he can brag about. That is Bill Moorhead.

From the 20th District you have a fellow who has fought awfully hard for me, and he has fought long and he has fought effectively. He is down at the White House getting a pen for some law that he has passed nearly every few weeks. He is the Congressman from the 20th District. He has been very helpful, and I hope you will give Elmer J. Holland a good majority.

Then there is Westmoreland County, that "Get it done, and get it done now" Congressman, John Dent.

I don't know of a single man in America, and I don't make any exceptions, who is more valuable to this Republic, or who has done more for it in his own quiet way, always amenable, always reasonable, always enlightened. But he has done more to improve our relations with other nations and to bring peace in the world, and to keep your boys out of another war, than most any other man in either House.

He is a quiet, unassuming man. He never goes around slapping backs, talking big, smoking cigars, and telling you how he did it, but he is the kind of man that every district needs in Congress, and that every mother wants there to represent her in dealing with other nations. His name is Doc Morgan, and he is Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

He takes bills and he holds them in his committee and he has hearings for weeks on them. He has the best witnesses and the experts from all over the Nation. Then he reports them out with almost a solid vote from his party. He brings them to the House of Representatives. He passes them as they should have been passed, and he never even tells you about it. You have to call him up and it takes you a day or two sometimes for him to even answer the phone, and he says, "Thank you very much."

I want you to know, Doc, that we want you to have a great majority when you come back there.

Pennsylvania needs John Young and Frank Reed in the Congress. In fact, from the courthouse to the White House, we are going to need some more Democrats to help us keep this country moving. And you want to keep moving, don't you?

Next Tuesday will show that in this Keystone State of democracy, you agree with me that the Government of this country needs more women in general and it needs in particular your lovely and remarkable Genevieve Blatt.

I heard that someone intimated the other day that I had been strong for bringing women in Government, but they wanted to kind of imply that the President might perhaps not be too unhappy if another man was elected to the Senate, and came back there and Genevieve was defeated. Well, now, that is just one man's viewpoint. If he is quoted correctly, it is only his viewpoint.

Someone said to me the other day that Genevieve was one of the most competent women in this country. I am somewhat reluctant to tell you f disagreed. I think Genevieve is one of the most competent people in this country, man or woman, and if you want Pennsylvania to rebuild, if you want Pennsylvania to move again, if you want the voices of Pennsylvania to dominate the greatest deliberative body in the world, with their eloquence, with their respect, and with their influence, you give us two Democratic Senators from that State to work together like a team and we will give Pennsylvania some real results.

I don't think your State can do any greater service than to send this able and dedicated woman to the Senate. Pennsylvania needs her there. The Nation needs her there, and the President wants and needs her there, and hopes you will help him.

She could serve alongside of that fighting patriot who never turns away from what he believes to be right and just for all the people. He doesn't even turn away from giving me a lick now and then when he thinks I am wrong. But he is an independent, able, and courageous fighter for the people all the time, and for the right as he sees it all the time, Senator Joe Clark.

Now, those are a lot of recommendations to make, but when you have taken good Democratic care of your interests, and you have taken care of these people in the House, and you have taken care of these people in the Senate, I have another little cowcatcher suggestion that I want to make to you, and that is, I hope you will take care of Hubert Humphrey and Lyndon Johnson. These are all Democratic requests, but we are all Americans first and we are members of a political party second. This is especially important this year.

I know your Governor well. I have always had respect for his judgment, and I thought that he really made some good bipartisan points last July out at San Francisco. Bill Scranton seemed to me to be saying what deep in his heart he knew was right. So let's make next Tuesday not just a great day for Democrats, but let's make it a great day for Americans, because the last poll that we concluded in Pennsylvania last week showed that nearly 40 percent of the Republicans of this State are going to vote Democratic.

If a neighbor comes into your house, even if he is not your kinfolk, you bring out the welcome mat and you are cordial and you make him feel at home. If 40 percent of the Republicans are willing to come in and help us with good government, let's welcome them in under the tent.

There is another thing I want to thank you good folks for, and that is a man that you knew as mayor and that you knew as Governor. He is a man that I have known as a long personal friend since I was a young boy. He is a counselor and servant of Presidents, of the people, and of the Democratic Party, a man the Democrats know as one of the all-time great political leaders that either party has produced in this Nation.

I had an old friend of mine come up and he was talking about the young people that were taking the leadership. There was a young Governor, I believe from Oregon, who had some part on the program out in San Francisco. He said, "Who selected Dave Lawrence to be chairman of this extremely important committee?"

I said, with a great deal of pride,

"I did." He said, "I thought the Governor had retired and had gotten out of politics. With all of these young people that are full of ambition and vinegar and everything, and just like to keep moving ahead, why did you pick Dave Lawrence?"

I said, "Well, let's talk about that a little later."

We went ahead and we kept on the television. In a few minutes, Dave Lawrence came in with a steady nerve and with a solid step and with good countenance and with a strong voice, and he read a report. He said, "Mr. Chairman, I move the adoption of that report."

The chairman hit his gavel and said, "Without objection, the report is adopted unanimously."

I turned around to my friend and said, "That is why I selected Dave Lawrence."

I am happy tonight. I feel very cheered to see my old and my loyal friend Dave McDonald here. Dave is always there when you need him, and his heart is always on the side of the people. And I believe he has more Steelworkers here tonight than he had at the convention in Atlantic City.

I just couldn't be more pleased at the unity that you people have shown to your President. There are so many more areas of agreement, there are so many more things that unify us than divide us. Any one of you can find something to disagree and fight about. Every man and his wife have differences. None of us see everything alike; if we did see everything alike we would all want the same wife. But when your President comes here, I like to see people stand united.

I just couldn't be happier tonight, and I have to say so publicly, than to see and visit with my longtime friend, a counselor of mine, one who has acted as my legal counselor in the Senate and times when I called him from Pennsylvania to come down and help me on certain legislation. That is Justice Mike Musmanno. His kind of loyalty and his kind of steadfastness is what I think is going to make the Democratic Party an enduring and effective instrument for progress and prosperity.

If Bill Scranton, after all the letters he wrote, and all the statements that he made, and all the things that he thought, can go out here in Pennsylvania and introduce Goldwater, I am happy that Mike Musmanno can come up here and sit on a platform with Genevieve Blatt and Lyndon Johnson.

Mrs. Emma Guffey Miller, I want to thank you from the bottom of my heart for your being here tonight. You have been one of my favorite girls for a good many years. I am not going to say how many. But I appreciate your coming over here and I am proud to be with you and my other fellow Democrats.

There are two great plans for progress in America today, and Pittsburgh is a blueprint for both of them. Lincoln abolished slavery 100 years ago, and we are going to abolish poverty under Democratic Party leadership in this country. There is no real reason for Americans to be prisoners of the nagging fear of unemployment or of destitution or of despair.

We have a gross national product of over $600 billion, and we don't make money just to make money. We make money for the betterment of man and for the fuller and richer life for human beings, And we are going to do that when we build the Great Society. This is what you in this city have meant by the Pittsburgh renaissance.

Not many years ago Pittsburgh was a worn-out, old city, known more for its waste than for its wealth, known more for its slums than its skyscrapers, known more for its polluted rivers than its precious resources. Its skies were blackened with smoke. When you saw the blue, it just meant the mills were down and the people were hungry. Then you got to work. You started doing something about it.

Today Pittsburgh is a city of clear skies, it is a city of clean buildings, it is a city of uncluttered streets. It has lovely parks and beautiful homes. I always like to come and stay at this hotel and get up and look out my window and see what used to be and what is. And your world famous, and now world conquering, Pittsburgh Symphony Orchestra-those are things you people ought to take a lot of pride in.

To these people who talk about raw, naked power, and these people that talk about Government centralization, these people that talk in these glittering generalities, covering everything and touching nothing, to those who want to repeal the progress of our times, I say, then, let them come here and take a look at Pittsburgh.

Four years ago a beloved American, John Fitzgerald Kennedy, came here and he looked at you as I am looking at you tonight, and he talked about a "new partnership." He believed and I believed--and you have shown--that progress has to be a partnership affair. To those who want to repeal the whole idea of people working together through Government where necessary, I say to them, then, come here and look at Pittsburgh!

I believe deeply that Government must not be bigger by a single bureau or a single employee or a single dollar than it has to be. And I would have you know that I reduced the deficit from nearly $9 billion to $5 billion this year. I would have you know that during July and August we spent $676 million less than we spent last July and August. I would have you know that we had 25,000 less Federal employees on the Federal payroll this July 1964, than we had July 1963.

But honest government is government that doesn't waste a cent of money, or a minute of time, and the people's business has to be carried on, and a lot of what we want to do has to be done together--the city, the county, the State, the Federal Government--and this is a key issue in this election.

The opposition candidate has voted to cut out or cut down every program of common responsibility for anything, from national defense to education, social security. When he says make social security voluntary, our answer is that old age and the sickness that comes with it is not voluntary, and we believe in more insurance in old age and not less. While he is talking about Bobby Baker, Walter Jenkins, and Billie Sol Estes, we want to talk about urban renewal, we are going to talk about low-income housing, we are going to talk about area redevelopment, we are going to talk about his vote against aid to education.

All of these things he opposed. All of these things he voted no, no, no on. We have unfortunate things happen to us and we have disappointments; and 3 million men working for the Government, they make mistakes. The only thing we can do with them, when we find out about the mistakes, is to take their job away from them, ask for their resignation, and turn it over to a nonpartisan agency to investigate to see if they have violated any laws. That is what we have done. Some in the other party get promoted.

There are a lot of things that have helped rebuild Pittsburgh, and on all of these things that have, he voted against them.

I think these things that I just listed will help build the Great Society and I think you are for them.

Our opponent voted against the Manpower Development and Retraining Act that Congressman Holland and Joe Clark had so much to do with. They got it passed. He opposed it. If he had had his way, it would be dead. This act has already helped 5,400 Pennsylvania workers win their fight against machines, and get retrained, and we are for that and he is against it.

And when we say as a Nation "In God We Trust," this doesn't mean everybody for himself and the devil takes the hindmost. Government is not the end of people. Government, prudent government, responsible government, is the people, and that is what this election is all about, the responsibility of people, acting together, to keep prosperity here at home, to keep peace here at home, to keep peace between business and labor and Government, and to keep peace in the world.

The opposition candidate voted against this year's tax cut. We Democrats believe in making the economy stronger. He voted against the nuclear bomb test agreement. We believe in making the world safer, and our milk cleaner. Our opposition protests that the issues are not being drawn in this campaign. Well, me thinketh he protesteth too much.

What are the issues in this election? Well, I will tell you what they are. The issues in this election are our votes, the Democratic votes, for and his votes against the Civil Rights Act, his votes against the Trade Expansion Act, his votes against the Mass Transit Act, his votes against the Wilderness Act, his votes even against the war on poverty. These are all issues in this campaign, and we are wrapping them right around his neck.

These are not issues that necessarily divide Democrats and Republicans, because the opposition candidate in this campaign voted 25 times in the past 4 years against major proposals which were in the 1960 Republican platform and were supported by a majority of Republican Senators. That is almost unbelievable, isn't it, that the Republican nominee voted 25 times on 25 separate roll calls against provisions in the Republican platform that were supported by a majority of Republican Senators !

I looked up the record the other day when he was talking about sending General Eisenhower to Viet-Nam. I don't think he took the time to talk to General Eisenhower about it. But it did make a headline momentarily.

I just wondered. He said he was going to follow everything on foreign policy. I remembered he said that the Eisenhower administration was just another dime-store New Deal. So I went back and looked at the record. I found out that in the year 1960, the last year President Eisenhower was there, I voted for President Eisenhower's foreign policy 95 percent of the time, and the Republican nominee voted for it 25 percent of the time.

When President Eisenhower became President, he really wrecked a lot of Democrats, and he broke a lot of dishes on the table, and a lot of them went home and were defeated. There weren't many people there to take the leadership. They elected me as the Democratic leader.

The first thing I said to my caucus was, "I want you to know when I think the President is right I am going to raise his hand high and I am going to support him. When I think he is wrong, I am going to oppose him, but I am going to do it with decency and dignity and without regard to personalities and I will never talk about his boy or his dogs or things of that kind."

I remember that it was a great Republican Senator, Arthur Vandenberg, that stood shoulder to shoulder with Harry Truman and stopped the Communists in Greece and Turkey. I remember that Lyndon Johnson stood right by the side of Eisenhower in the Suez and in the Strait of Formosa. I remember in his tax bill that I stood there in 1954 and supported it when a substantial number of my own party wouldn't go along with me.

So I don't think there is going to be a Republican peace or a Democratic peace, but I think there is going to be a peace only for all Americans and for all the world. When they lead your boy down to that railroad station to send him into boot camp and put a khaki uniform on him to send him some place where he may never return, they don't ask you whether you are a Republican or Democrat. They send you there to defend that flag, and you go.

So there is no Republican peace or no Democratic peace, and there can't be prosperity for Democrats or prosperity for Republicans. But there can and will be, as long as I am President, peace for all Americans and prosperity for all Americans.

Some people say that we passed an act up there that is going to take a lot of jobs away from folks. I want to meet that one head-on. That is pure dirty racism and propaganda that is being passed around.

There is not any bill that Congress ever passed that takes any job away from anybody. It gives a lot of people jobs, it provides extra jobs, it provides retraining for jobs that our Republican opponent voted against every time he had a chance. But they put out a lot of words to try to smear and fear and scare people who are working, by saying that some other man is going to get his job. Well, I want to answer that with a little story Lady Bird told me.

A man came up to her in Alabama on her train trip, where she had gone to school in the summer, where she went to the University of Alabama when she was a young girl. He said, "Lady Bird, I have been thinking about this problem a lot and they have put out a lot of stories down here about what has happened. But I believe that I would rather have a Negro stand beside me on an assembly line than to stand behind me in a soup line!"

Men who have jobs and who have seniority are going to be employed on the basis of their merit. And every State except 19 States, most of them in the South, already have laws stronger than we have passed.

We all know that it was 100 years ago that a great President, a man that we all revere--there is not a man, woman, or child in this house that would get up tonight and even whisper a word about him, although he said when he returned to his hometown in Illinois he went down the street and not one human would speak to him except one woman, and she wouldn't have if she could have gotten out of it. That is what Abraham Lincoln said. That is what they said about him during his turbulent career.

But we know that he signed the Emancipation Proclamation 100 years ago. We have had some deliberate speed for 100 years. Emancipation was a proclamation but it was not a fact.

We are not going to say that the good Lord intended that the tall men should be treated different than the short men, or that the white men should be treated differently from the black men or the brown men, because if we do, we are outnumbered in this country 15 or 20 to 1 throughout the world. We live in a world of 3 billion people, and you better not ever choose to fight it out on the basis of color. If you do, the white folks are in trouble, I will tell you that.

So we are not going to make any special appeals to any special groups. I think I demonstrated in 1960, after John Fitzgerald Kennedy had defeated me overwhelmingly and humiliatingly. He came to my room the next morning and asked me to go on the ticket with him as Vice President.

I had never thought that I would ever do anything like that. I thought for 7 or 8 hours and it finally boiled down to two things.

I just knew in my heart that it was not right for Dick Nixon to ever be President of this country.

And I also knew that one morning at an Air Force site in Europe the boys had completed their 50 missions and were ready to come home to see their wives, sweethearts, and mothers when a commanding officer walked in and said, "We have a most dangerous mission that must be performed today, and we want volunteers. All of you have already finished your missions, but we need some volunteers."

The first two men that stood up were Joe Kennedy, Jr., from Boston, a Catholic, and a young blond from Texas, from Fort Worth, Tex., with a wife and two babies, who walked up and stood by his side. He was a Baptist. And they took off in that plane and they never came back. But there is no one who dared ask them that morning what church they went to.

I thought I would just like to take a little slice of the proposition of proving to all the world that we elected our Presidents and Vice Presidents, and we treated our citizens of all races and religions and color alike, and that we could elect a President of this country who was a Catholic, and we could elect a Vice President of this country who was a southerner. And that is what we did.

Eleven months and three days ago, that tragic day of November 22d, our leader fell. And without benefit of council and without time to go to the library stacks, without a moment to call in anyone to consult, with the Secret Service men on top of me stretched out in a little Ford police car, I got in a jet plane with the motors roaring in the background and took the oath of office as President.

I swore to uphold the Constitution, and I swore to myself that I would carry on, I would continue for my partner who had gone down ahead of me.

The transition period was a difficult period. The heads of 85 nations came here. We talked over problems and agreements that had never been reached and we made decisions that had to be made, and the budget had to be formulated, $100 billion in 30 days. And we kept that light burning in the White House--notwithstanding what they tell you about my cutting them off--we kept them burning there until 2 or 3 o'clock many mornings.

But we looked down the inventory that he had left on his desk. He had 51 major bills, the greatest agenda of bills that I guess any President had ever sent a Congress in modern times: the tax bill, the civil rights bill, the mass transit bill, the housing bill, three education bills, the farm bill, the wilderness bill. I could name them all night, 51 of them.

I went back to that room the other night, when the Secret Service turned the key on the black steel gate we entered, and they said, "Do you want to get off at the house or do you want to go to the office?" I said, "I will go back to the office."

About 1 o'clock I took those bills and I started looking down that list that he had left me. The Congress had come and the Congress had gone away. But on that list every single one of those 51 bills had passed the United States Senate, and all but 4 or 5 of them had passed the House. They were in conference--medical care, the coffee agreement, Appalachia. But I put it into effect by an Executive order1 and we are going to put it into effect by legislation as soon as Joe and Genevieve get back up there and start voting as a team.

1 Executive Order 11186 "Establishing the Federal Development Planning Committee for Appalachia," issued October 23, 1964 (see Item 711).

And we have some more things that we have to do for America. I said let us continue. But I also said at the convention I want a mandate, I want a mandate not just to let us continue but I want a mandate to begin.

I want a program for all the people of this country, equal opportunity for all and special privilege for none. I want every man and woman that wants a job to have a job. There are 5 million more working now than there were when Jack Kennedy took the oath of office. We have done something about it but not enough.

Corporations made $12 billion more after taxes this last year than they did the year before. So business is doing reasonably well. The workingman made $60 billion more after taxes than he did the year before, so he is doing reasonably well.

The farmer's income is up $12 billion this year, and if you would follow my opponent's advice and cut out all of these programs it would drop in half, to $6 billion, and we would be back where we were in 1932.

And don't you think it can't happen here, because it has happened here. It happened here before some of you were born or some of you are willing to admit that you were born. I think that is why next Tuesday will be not just an all-Democratic day. I think it is going to be an all-American day.

So we must get on with our work because there is so much to do. No city or country is ever all that that city or country ought to be. A nation, deeply understood, is an opportunity for service, a dedication to an unfinished dream.

The Great Society is when America's promise and her practice come together. The Great Society just isn't a dream of mine. It is as real as tomorrow, and it is yours for the working at it.

And here is how we do it: We care about every single man, woman, and boy in this country. Not just about some of them. Not just about most of them.

The Great Society under a Democratic President cares for all of them. And then we set our sights high, higher than we expect to get, at least higher than we expect to get right away, for we know that all we need to do in this country is to decide to do it.

We're as big as our ideas. We're as strong as our purposes. So here is the Great Society.

It's the time--and it's going to be soon-when nobody in this country is poor. Do you know that in the year 2000 the average annual income in this country is going to be $15,000 per family?

It's the time--and there's no point in waiting--when every boy and girl in this country, every boy and girl that is born under that flag, has the right to all the education that he can absorb.

It's going to be the time when every older man and woman has not just full social security, but it has meaning and it has purpose, and it has pleasure.

It's going to be the time, as I said, when we have a job for everyone who is willing to work, and he is going to be paid a decent wage.

It's the time when every false distinction-of what your race is, or your creed is, or your sex, or how you spell your name, or where your folks came from, or how you pray--it's going to be a time when none of that makes any difference.

Yes, under the Great Society, they want me to spell it out so I am just going to give you a little preview of it tonight.

It's the time when every slum is gone from every city in America, and America is beautiful.

It's the time when man gains full dominion under God over his own destiny.

It's the time of peace on earth and good will among men.

The place is here and the time is now.

Eleven months and three days ago my mind went back to that terrible tragic period during the Cuban crisis, when I saw the generals with all their stars and the admirals with all their braid, and the Secretary of State with all of his diplomatic background, and the Secretary of Defense with his great industrial experience march into a room to try to decide what to do about the Russian missiles that were located 90 miles from our shore, that were pointed at us and might be operational any moment.

I never left home a single day during those 38 sessions that I knew for sure I would see my wife and daughters again that night.

And there amidst the best brains and the greatest advice that a President could collect, a young, fearless man sat at the head of the table as Commander in Chief. I am proud to tell you that John F. Kennedy was the coolest man in that room.

As he and the leader of the Soviet Union came eyeball to eyeball, and their thumbs started inching up--that was the day before the "hot line" when you could pick up the phone and Moscow would be calling--their thumbs started getting closer to that nuclear button, their knives were in each other's ribs almost, literally speaking, and neither of them was flinching or quivering. About that moment, Mr. Khrushchev in his wisdom decided that he would wrap up his missiles and take them home.

Our bombers were in the skies and our bomb bays were ready to be opened. They were loaded. Our ships were in their proper places. Our men had their proper instructions. But when the time finally came, the good Lord somehow or other decreed that there would not be a nuclear holocaust that would wipe out the lives of 300 million people, 100 million right here in our own land.

And now, to have someone speak ill and critically of that crisis and of President Kennedy's conduct is too sad to even justify a response, because he is not here to answer it himself.

But we are going to answer it for him on November 3d. We are going to say to the world that our policy is strength through restraint. We are going to keep our guard up at all times, alert, but we are going to have our hand out. We are willing to talk to anyone, any time, who offers any hope of an honorable peace.

We are not going to bury anybody, but nobody is going to bury us.

We are not going to rattle our rockets or bluff about our bombs. But we are going to continue to be the mightiest nation in the world. We are going to speak softly and we are going to act prudently, and if you will just send me these two Democratic Senators, Joe Clark and Genevieve Blatt, if you will send me these Congressmen I have talked to you about, and my old friend Congressman Frank Clark--I want to put in a word for him.

I want you folks to know that this is about as important a decision as you will ever make when you decide what man's thumb, which man's thumb, you want to be close to that button, what man you want to reach over and pick up that receiver on that "hot line" when they say "Moscow is calling."

That is your decision. That is your judgment. You have to make it with your God and your own conscience.

I haven't come here to say anything personal or bad or ill-willed, or sling any mud, or have any muckraking. I have come here to tell you the problems and the issues that exist. You have to do something about it. Every single vote is going to count. Every single Congressman is going to help. Every single Senator is going to be needed.

Now, don't sit around here and wait until they start playing a patriotic song and you go to packing up your boy's suitcase. Step in here. Don't wait like they did with Woodrow Wilson. He envisioned a peace and he almost was in reach of it. Then he lost it and we went to World War II. Then Franklin Roosevelt came along with the United Nations, and they have saved a dozen wars.

But now here, with two great powers arrayed, let's continue this bipartisan policy, let's bring the Republicans in with the Democrats, let's reason together, let's be patient, let's be firth, let's be restrained, let's don't issue ultimatums, let's don't shoot from the hip. Let's don't use our tongue more than our head.

That is your job--to pick the person that you want to lead you. You won't have another chance after next Tuesday. It will be 4 long years and there are a lot of things that are going to happen in the next 4 years.

I am going to be down on the banks of the Pedernales in a little village in Texas, and I am going to be waiting for Joe Barr to call me. I am going to be wondering how well you do your job.

Thank you--and good night.


Note: The President spoke at 9 p.m. at the Civic Center Arena in Pittsburgh, Pa. During the course of his remarks he referred to Joseph M. Barr, mayor of Pittsburgh, William S. Moorhead, Elmer J. Holland, John H. Dent, and Thomas E. Morgan, U.S. Representatives, John Young and Frank J. Reed, Democratic candidates for Representative, Genevieve Blatt, Democratic candidate for Senator, Joseph S. Clark, U.S. Senator, William W. Scranton, Governor, and David L. Lawrence, former Governor, all of Pennsylvania, David J. McDonald, president of the United Steelworkers of America, Michael A. Musmanno, judge of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, and Mrs. Emma Guffey Miller, Democratic national committeewoman, and Frank M. Clark, U.S. Representative, both of Pennsylvania.
Citation: Lyndon B. Johnson: "Remarks at the Civic Center Arena in Pittsburgh.," October 27, 1964. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=26674.
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